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Against laws against the public incitement of hatred

March 8th, 2010

Ottawa Citizen;“Fight racism without betraying justice,” March 8, 2010

Mark Mercer
Department of Philosophy
Saint Mary’s University
Halifax, NS B3H 3C3
(902) 420-5825
mark.mercer@smu.ca

Accused of uttering threats, burning a cross, and leaving a noose on the property of a mixed-race family in Hants County, Nova Scotia, Nathan Rehberg and Justin Rehberg have been charged with criminal harassment, uttering threats, mischief, and public incitement of hatred.

Whoever planted that cross issued a creditable threat of violence, certainly against the family and probably against blacks and others as well, and people who threaten violence have committed a serious crime and should be punished appropriately.

What, though, are we to make of that last charge, public incitement of hatred?

It’s hard to imagine that whoever left the burning cross managed to incite hatred. The culprit expressed hatred, certainly, but he didn’t incite any. Those in our midst who already hate blacks or revile miscegenation need no incitement (sadly), and news of a burning cross isn’t going to turn anyone indifferent to skin colour into a racist. Should the police seek evidence that this crime changed people’s attitudes for the worse, they’d come up empty handed.

Most likely, whoever lit the cross didn’t even intend to incite hatred. His or her goal was to harass and threaten a family and a community.

It’s hardly cynicism to note that whether the cross burning in fact incited anyone to hatred is neither here nor there. Rather, laying the charge of public incitement to hatred is all about making a statement. Its point is to say to the world that we in Nova Scotia are not racists. Laying the charge is meant to tell the world that we take racially-motivated crime seriously.

The problem is that using criminal law to make a statement is to corrupt the rule of law. It’s to push impartial justice aside in favour of social policy.

That, I think, is sufficient reason to remove public incitement of hatred from the law. But I would add, for those who don’t mind pursuing policy by means of criminal law, that there’s no reason to think this law will serve the cause of anti-racism, as well as some reason to think it won’t.

From the point of view of justice, it doesn’t matter why a felon sought to assault someone. It matters just that he intended to assault his victim and knew assault is a crime. To ask whether his assault expressed racism rather than some other attitude, and to increase his sentence if it did express racism, is both to trade justice for vendetta and to infringe upon the felon’s right to thought and conscience.

One might suppose, though, despite the corruption hate crime legislation introduces into justice, that much good can come from such laws. By charging and punishing people under them, we, as a society, say strongly and clearly that we value equality and diversity and abhor racism. Making this statement cannot but have good consequences for people disadvantaged or marginalized because of their race.

But where is the evidence of these good consequences? How does making this statement improve the lives of blacks or First Nations Canadians or any other group in Canada? Does it increase their opportunities for education or employment? Does it make anyone any safer?

More likely, it galvanizes the racists, reinforcing in them their sense of being unjustly persecuted for speaking the truth as they see it.

Let us stand with those toward whom hateful gestures are directed, as many people in Nova Scotia and beyond have done in the last week. But we can stand against racism without betraying justice.

Burning a cross on a family’s lawn is a gesture laden with symbolism that, nevertheless, clearly speaks a real threat of violence. Legislating against expressing racist hate, on the other hand, is an exercise in feel-good symbolism that promotes nothing real at all.

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Honesty for the sake of living well

March 8th, 2010

The Cranky Professor
The Journal, the campus newspaper at Saint Mary’s,  March 3, 2010

Mark Mercer
Department of Philosophy
Saint Mary’s University
Halifax, NS B3H 3C3
(902) 420-5825
mark.mercer@smu.ca

Alasdair MacIntyre, a philosophy professor at the University of Notre Dame, in Indiana, has formulated what I believe is a deep and compelling argument in favour of honesty. The discussion below draws on MacIntryre’s thought, especially as expressed in his book After Virtue.

Our initial question was this: Is it wise to be committed to honesty? I argued in a previous column that a commitment to honesty cannot be well defended on grounds of usefulness. Any moderately intelligent and resourceful person, I believe I’ve shown, likely will do better in many of her projects by being open to lying than by being closed to it.

A commitment to honesty, though, can be held either on grounds of usefulness or out of love for honesty itself. Thus, if it is ever wise to be committed to honesty, it is wise to be committed to it out of a love for it as constitutive of one of one’s projects. Our present question, then, is quite specific: Can it be wise to love honesty for its own sake?

MacIntyre’s answer is that it can be wise to love honesty, for honesty is a constitutive part of a life lived well, a life with which one is satisfied and richly content.

Much of what we do in life, though, is little more than drudgery. We ride the bus, we shop for shoes, we wash our clothes, we punch the time clock. Of course, some of what we do is pleasant or relaxing or entertaining. We enjoy a meal or a chat with friends, we watch a movie or play a video game, we go to the beach. Yet it would be a dull life in which work and drudgery served merely to enable us to afford food and entertainment.

Happily, we also—or, at least, we may also—participate in one or more complex activity defined by standards of excellence, standards that, when we participate in the activity, we endeavour to meet. We play the guitar or hockey, we raise children, we conduct an investigation, we tend a garden, we manage a business, and we do it seriously.

Unlike riding the bus or lounging on the beach, we can do these things well or poorly. There are ends to be achieved in doing these things—ends such as a well-played game of hockey or, in the case of parenting, young adults able and eager to make their own way in the world—, ends that require skilful engagement in the activity. They are activities in which we can fail. But in meeting the standards of excellence internal to them, we go a long way toward creating for ourselves lives we perceive to be worth living.

A person’s education in honesty begins—and, perhaps, ends—with his participation in activities of these sorts. We must be truthful, first with ourselves, second with our co-participants, if we are to develop the skills needed to meet whatever standards of excellence define success. That is, we must listen to criticism and acknowledge our shortcomings. And we must be candid with those participating with us. We put success in jeopardy when we praise them falsely or ignore their errors. (According to MacIntyre, we need to be courageous and fair, as well as honest, in our participation and in our relations with other participants, if we are consistently to meet the standards of excellence that define success.)

Now a hockey player plays to win, of course, but if she cheats she loses whatever success in hockey itself is, even should her team win the game. Likewise, dishonesty or lack of candour might gain for her good feelings or forestall social setbacks, but she won’t, with her lies or silence, be participating in her sport.

Honesty, then (along with courage and fairness), is necessary to success in attaining the ends of the various complex activities through which we come to see our lives as worth living. To engage in the activity deceitfully undercuts the activity itself, and turns it into something else.

That, I think, is in itself a large and important result, but we have to note that it falls short of being a defence of committing oneself to honesty in one’s life as a whole. It is a defence of a commitment to honesty within particular activities of a certain sort. Serious, worthwhile painting requires honesty within painting, serious, worthwhile biology requires it within biology. How do we get from there to activities of other sorts, and to when we are simply going about our daily business? How do we get to painters and biologists who are honest simply as people?

There are two routes. One is to note that one’s life as a whole can count as an activity of the sort marked by standards of excellence the consistent meeting of which produces a deep satisfaction. The other is to learn from our relations with other participants. We know from our experiences in complex social activities, especially those involving family and friends, that honesty is a necessary part of reciprocity and respect. If we wish to encounter others through reciprocity and respect, then, we will be honest with them, whether we meet them within a skilled activity or not.

This defence of honesty makes no claim that one must be an honest person outside certain activities if one is to live a life worth living in one’s own eyes. The argument, that is, is not that anyone is a fool to be dishonest, at least apart from certain activities. The argument, rather, is simply that for many of us, it is not in the least foolish to love honesty passionately and constantly.

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Market-led research a hazard to our health?

February 20th, 2010

By Pam Gill and Sam Chown

He who pays the piper calls the tune. If true, then the public should start investing more in its health care research.

At least that’s what a group of academics argued at the University of King’s College on Monday, February 15th, 2010. The group of four panelists assembled in Alumni Hall to discuss the implications of pharmaceutical industry influence from the laboratory to the marketplace. The debate entitled “Just in Time: Healthy Research?” was jointly organized by the Canadian Centre for Ethics in Public Affairs and Situating Science.

The panel arguing for government investment and public regulation of medical research was Jocelyn Downie, from Dalhousie University, Faculties of Law and Medicine; Chris MacDonald of Saint Mary’s University, Department of Philosophy and Francoise Baylis of Novel Tech Ethics and Dalhousie University’s Department of Bioethics.

Rounding out the panel was crowd favorite, Don Weaver, of Dalhousie University’s Department of Chemistry and School of Biomedical Engineering who indulged in his role as “the industry villain”.

Baylis opened up the debate by airing her distrust in the industry, which she says is rightfully warranted because often their sole objective is to please shareholders and generate a profit. She says the public should be more concerned with how “our” tax dollars are being spent. “What we’re really talking about is something that has been a concern to academics for ten years,” she says.

Downie agreed saying that universities have to respond to the need of the public, especially for the vulnerable and pursue those needs through their research.

“We’re a public institution, we should be serving the public interest,” she says.

MacDonald followed, saying universities researching or developing a particular drug may have their mission corrupted by pharmaceutical companies eager to intrude with funding, and private interests.  But he adds that banning pharmaceutical money altogether would be unreasonable.

Industry is good at fulfilling the public interest’s “wants” such as producing drugs like Viagra, but not necessarily their “needs” such as drugs for Malaria, said MacDonald. But that research isn’t extended to the “orphan” community unless a profit is somehow involved.

Weaver rebutted saying heath care is dependant on industry. “All drugs out there come from industry,” he said.

He reminded the audience that industry is ever growing, changing and improving.  He says it is patient and not expecting to make an immediate profit.  In a perverse way, this is best for public interest because shareholders want pharmaceutical companies to be around for a long time.  In order for that to happen, companies need to produce products that are both safe and effective and will eventually turn a profit.

Downie acknowledged that the blame doesn’t rest on the scientists themselves but rather the companies funding and deciding their research.  A hazard of this is that attention is diverted away from breakthrough medical advances and towards more commercial successes.

A solution brought up by Baylis is that the government start regulating research dollars. She said about $172 billion is spent on Canadian health care annually, but less than 1 per cent of that total goes towards research and development.  It’s an issue of reorganizing our priorities. Baylis says at least 3 per cent of the annual budget should be reinvested into R&D and this would have astronomical benefits.

By the time the floor opened to questions, many members of the audience took the opportunity to express their own concerns and discontent towards the industry.  But the debate is far from achieving any concrete solutions. Market-led development has too many strings attached to truly benefit the public interest.  At the moment it is worth considering the potential that the public has to reform industry’s influence on research.

The debate now is how to make this happen…

Mocking religion in service of freedom and civility

January 18th, 2010

Go ahead and make fun of religion

By Mark Mercer

Published in the Ottawa Citizen Jan. 15, 2010

Mocking religion has been good sport among artists, intellectuals, and comedians for thousands of years. That means that the sport as currently practiced has the weight of custom or tradition behind it.

Now relativists about value think that an action that has the weight of custom or tradition behind it cannot be criticised as ethically unsound and, so, should be protected from those who disapprove of it. Relativists, then, should be happy to insist that mockers of religion be allowed to have their fun. Those of us who are not relativists but who value freedom of expression should be equally happy to insist on this.

There’s much to be said against making fun of religion and religious believers, and certainly some instances of mockery are puerile, intemperate, or obnoxious. But what can’t be said against it is that it is cruel. It’s not, at least not in the way making fun of the lame or the dim is cruel. Neither the lame nor the dim chose their condition, and they cannot choose to escape it. That’s not true of the religious.

Making fun of religion is like making fun of bad taste. It’s making fun of something that’s up to individuals themselves, something for which individuals are willing to take responsibility. It’s open to the religious believer, just as it is to the connoisseur of felt paintings, to disabuse her critics of their false evaluation of her attitudes.

Mockery of religion can have a serious point, though good mockery needn’t and often doesn’t. It can be an attempt to rid people of religion, or of the need they feel to have a religion. It can be a rallying call to defend secularity or to oppose the deference authorities often show to religious sensibilities. More than a few teenagers, I suspect, owe a debt of gratitude to the likes of Sarah Silverman or Sam Harris, for enabling them to acknowledge their doubts about their religious heritage and to reject that heritage.

For a long time, mocking religion was a fairly safe pastime. One who publicly ridiculed religion wasn’t risking much.

That hasn’t always been so. Consider Diagoras of Melos, the late fifth-century BCE philosopher also known as Diagoras the Atheist.

On a ship during a rough crossing, Diagoras heard the conjecture that it was God’s displeasure with him that had caused the storm. Diagoras wondered aloud whether Diagoras was also on each of the other ships out that night.

Diagoras wasn’t always content to wait for a straight man. Throwing a small wooden statue of Heracles on the fire, he commanded “Perform your thirteenth miracle! Cook my turnips!”

Diagoras lived in Athens as a resident alien, as many artists, intellectuals, and entrepreneurs from throughout the Greek world did. But he fled Athens, with the price of a silver coin on his head. Diagoras had told the Athenians that the fact that a particular act of injustice went unpunished showed that the gods do not exist. The unjust act he had in mind was the murder by the Athenians of the people of Melos.

We are again living in a time when making fun of religion or the religious is dangerous. Perhaps this time began on 14 February 1989, the day a price was put on Salman Rushdie’s head. In fact, we should set the date a little later, when the weak response by Western governments to this call for murder gave the violent impetus and unnerved the fun loving.

Things have not let up, as the recent attack on a Jyllands-Posten cartoonist shows us. The violent got their way when governments, newspapers, and even universities, including my own, sided with those who demanded solace for their hurt feelings, or else. (Sadly, my university caved without even requiring the “or else.”) Nowadays, political leaders in Ireland and other European countries are busy rehabilitating laws against blasphemy. We’re kidding ourselves if we expect better from our own leaders.

Probably the best way to decrease the danger would be to meet it head on. That would be to take up mocking religion and the religious in earnest.

As part of this effort, I’ll make a small snow Mohammed and set him next to some waist-high drift that’s been causing pedestrians grief. “C’mon, Mohammed,” I’ll say, “you were able to multiply the waters. Surely you can divide this mound.”

No, I won’t. Too dangerous. Diagoras would have, though.

Mark Mercer
Department of Philosophy
Saint Mary’s University
Halifax, NS B3H 3C3
(902) 420-5825
mark.mercer@smu.ca

—30—

A small victory for freedom of expression

January 14th, 2010

Mark Mercer

Department of Philosophy, Saint Mary’s University, mark.mercer@smu.ca

From “The Cranky Professor”
The Journal, the campus newspaper at Saint Mary’s, Vol. 75, No. 15, January 13th, 2010

 

Stephen Boissoin, a former pastor in Alberta, thinks that children “are being warped into believing that same-sex families are acceptable; that men kissing men is appropriate.” Mr Boissoin urges us to “take whatever steps are necessary to reverse the wickedness…. Where homosexuality flourishes, all manner of wickedness abounds.”

These sentences are from a letter Mr Boissoin sent to the Red Deer Advocate. The Advocate published that letter on 17 June 2002.
Another Albertan complained to the Alberta Human Rights Commission that Mr Boissoin’s letter was likely to expose homosexuals to hatred or contempt and that Mr Boissoin had, thereby, violated Section 3(1)(b) of the Alberta Human Rights, Citizenship and Multiculturalism Act. On 30 November 2007, an Alberta Human Rights Panel found that Boissoin had indeed violated that section.

The Panel ordered Mr Boissoin to cease making “disparaging remarks” about homosexuals, to write an apology to the complanaint, to ask the Advocate to publish that apology, to pay the complanaint $5,000, and to pay another party up to $2,000. Mr Boissoin appealed the decision to the Alberta Court of Queen’s Bench.

On 3 December 2009, Justice E.C. Wilson ruled in favour of the appeal. The Panel had no authority to order Mr Boissoin not to speak his mind and no authority to compel an apology. And, said Justice Wilson, the Panel erred in finding the letter to constitute hate speech. Whatever one might think of it, the letter was not an expression of hate or contempt.

Justice Wilson did not, however, rule against Section 3(1)(b). Yet he agreed with Mr Boissoin’s lawyers hate speech is a federal matter, not a provincial one.

Justice Wilson noted that since tenancy, goods and services, facilities, and employment are under provincial jurisdiction, they can properly be addressed in provincial human rights legislation. But, according to Justice Wilson, that implies that for speech to violate the province’s act, it must indicate an intention to discriminate in the provision of one of the above.
Speech the provinces can regulate, then, is restricted to such things as ads for jobs or housing and signs in restaurant windows.

If Justice Wilson’s reasoning is sound, then our own commission, the Nova Scotia Human Rights Commission, oversteps its authority when it investigates hate speech complaints not directly related to discrimination in housing, employment, facilities, or services.

This win for freedom of expression follows a significant development last September, when Athanasios Hadjis, of the Canadian Human Rights Tribunal, expressed his opinion that the penalty provisions recently added to the Canadian Human Rights Act have rendered unconstitutional the censorship section of that Act. In light of his opinion, Judge Hadjis declined to uphold a complaint that Marc Lemire had spoken hatefully on his website, though the judge agreed that Mr Lemire had, indeed, spoken hatefully.

Those who support laws against the expression of hate worry that the effect of these rulings is to make it more and more difficult for commissions and tribunals to apply these laws. And, in truth, these rulings do make it hard to apply censorship laws. But that effect is to be welcomed, not feared. It is to be welcomed by all of us—not just by those of us who value freedom of expression for its own sake, but by anyone concerned to promote equality and fairness.

Hearing what Stephen Boissoin has to say about homosexuality and the homosexual agenda, even were it hateful, requires us to dispense with platitudes and to get down to the hard business of arguing for our position and explaining where the other side goes wrong. If Mr Boissoin is forbidden to speak his mind, we’re deprived of a target to examine and critique. Even more, we are without opportunity to try to change the minds of those who agree with him.

The movement toward equality for homosexuals and acceptance of homosexuality constitutes one of the great stories of liberation of our time. We must remember that most of the success lesbians and gays have had came without help from hate speech legislation—and, indeed, depended on the frank discussion of the fears and distress of those opposed to equality and acceptance. Attitudes changed because of discussion.

Laws against the expression of hate are enemies of candidness and openness. Thus they are enemies of frank discussion. Frank discussion, though, is what we need if we’re to move what Mr Boissoin calls the homosexual agenda forward. At least it is for those of us who hope soon to delight in a society in which men kiss men in public and no one minds.

—30—

The Cranky Professor - Burdening others disrespectfully

December 13th, 2009

The Cranky Professor can be seen in The Journal, the student newspaper at Saint Mary’s University, Vol. 75, No. 12, November 25th, 2009

We manifest disrespect for others when we manipulate them, humiliate them, or unfairly burden them. It’s pretty clear what manipulation and humiliation con

Dr. Mark Mercer is a professor of Philosophy at Saint Mary's University, in Halifax. You can contact him at mark.mercer@smu.ca.

Dr. Mark Mercer is a professor of Philosophy at Saint Mary's University, in Halifax. You can contact him at mark.mercer@smu.ca.

sist in. And it’s pretty clear what it is to burden someone. But what is it to burden someone unfairly?

We continually burden people. We burden others over and over again in the course of every ordinary day. Roger wants to watch the news, but you’re watching Law and Order. Sally needs to get to class on time, but you’re standing around talking with your friends, clogging up the halls. Martin is offended by the sight of a breast, but your baby’s hungry. You’ve burdened Roger, Sally, and Martin, and yet you’ve not manifested disrespect toward any of them. You’ve not manifested disrespect because you did not impose the burden unfairly.

What makes a burden imposed on another a burden imposed unfairly is that it is imposed in violation of a rule or norm or custom in place at the time of the burdening. This is a necessary condition, perhaps not always sufficient. That is to say, any instance of a burden imposed unfairly is simultaneously an instance of a norm being violated, but maybe not every instance of a norm being violated is also an instance of a burden being imposed unfairly.

The rules, norms, and customs by which burdening can be disrespectful are often explicitly formulated and set down in words, but not always. Few, though, are codified in law, and that’s how it should be, for law ought to deal with serious harms only, and not all burdens are harms, let alone serious harms. Often enough, a rule, norm, or custom will consist in tacit understandings of how things are done around here, who has the right of way. Waiting in line, turn taking, first-come, first-served-one or another is the custom in this area of interpersonal life, another in a different area. By violating a rule, norm, or custom that’s in place, the burden one imposes on another becomes a burden imposed unfairly, and to impose a burden on another unfairly is to treat that other disrespectfully.

Since rules, norms, and customs change over time, so over time do the forms disrespectful treatment can take change. And since rules, norms, and customs differ society to society, so, too, differ the forms disrespectful treatment can take society to society.

Rules, norms, and customs are themselves, of course, sometimes burdensome, and sometimes we have reason to try to change them. One way that sometimes works to change them is to violate them. Violating a rule, norm, or custom can show people what it is like to live with different rules, norms, or customs; people, seeing the attractions of living with the different ones, will begin to violate the old ones, perhaps thereby bringing new ways to the common life.
Though we find we have reason to violate a norm, we should not think that whatever burdens we impose on others when we violate it we do not impose unfairly. The burden we impose is one we impose unfairly. Our actions manifest some degree of disrespect for the other. That we judge it all things considered better to pursue our end at the cost of treating some person disrespectfully than to surrender our end does not mean we should deny that our pursuit involves treating that person disrespectfully.

One thing to prize in open, democratic, individualistic societies is our custom of distinguishing offence and hurt feelings from harm. This is something to prize as it gains for us much freedom in how we live our lives. Martin, remember, was deeply offended by your breastfeeding your baby in the restaurant. But because the custom in place around here is to distinguish offence from harm, his being offended is his problem, not yours. He cannot legitimately expect you not to bare your breast in his presence to feed your baby. And so you did not burden him unfairly, though burden him you did.

Martin may, without thereby treating you disrespectfully, ask you to go elsewhere to feed your baby. (If you take offense at his mere request, that’s your problem, not his.) And you may decline his request, again without thereby treating him disrespectfully. Now, if Martin continues to ask you to cease-or, worse, makes a fuss about your breastfeeding-, Martin has begun to treat you badly, for Martin is burdening you in violation of a custom in place. It’s Martin’s sensitivities that are at fault here, not your insensitivity to his sensitivities.

Doing something that offends another can be to treat that other disrespectfully. And making a big deal about one’s being offended can also be to treat another disrespectfully.

The Cranky Professor - Treating others disrespectfully

December 13th, 2009

The Cranky Professor can also be seen in the The Journal, the student newspaper at Saint Mary’s University, Vol. 75, No. 11, November 18th, 2009.

Dr. Mark Mercer is a professor of Philosophy at Saint Mary's University, in Halifax. You can contact him at mark.mercer@smu.ca.

Dr. Mark Mercer is a professor of Philosophy at Saint Mary's University, in Halifax. You can contact him at mark.mercer@smu.ca.

There are three ways in which we treat other people disrespectfully. We manipulate them, we humiliate them, and we burden them. Whenever we treat a person disrespectfully, we express some degree of contempt for her.

Treating people disrespectfully consists in failing to acknowledge through one’s actions that other people’s projects are as significant to them as one’s own are to oneself. We treat others disrespectfully when we don’t care that they are living lives that matter to them.

We manipulate another when we get that person to assist us in our own projects independently of her will to help to us. That is, we manipulate another when we trick her into giving us assistance, when we arrange things so that her consenting to help us is not free or informed. Manipulating another is disrespectful and contemptuous because in manipulating that other, one gives scant regard to her existence as a person in her own right.

Lying is always manipulative and, thereby, always disrespectful-even when it is done benevolently, even when it succeeds in making things better for the person lied to, and even when it does this at some cost to the liar. A liar uses another person to attain her ends independently of the other person’s free and informed consent to be used toward those ends. That is contempt, no matter what good results from it.

Notice here that manifesting disrespect for a person doesn’t require that the other be aware of our contempt, of our failure to appreciate her personhood. We can treat another disrespectfully though neither she nor anyone else ever notices. And, as we’ve seen, manifesting disrespect for another need not harm her, nor harm anyone else.

Those of us who wish never to treat others disrespectfully as well as to help make things better sometimes find ourselves unable to fulfil both wishes. To keep peace among our colleagues, we must lie to Sally; to treat Sally with respect we must speak honestly to her, though doing so will produce bad feelings and hostility all around.

No argument can show that we should value good consequences over respect or respect over good consequences, and no argument can establish at which degree of badness one should put respect aside. (We can’t imagine what it would be to make a mistake about these things, so we have no idea what getting them right could consist in.) For my own part, I prefer respect over producing good outcomes, and even over avoiding bad ones-except when the bad outcome threatens to be really bad. (Or so at least I say. My actions, I fear, might speak differently. I might choose being nice over being respectful more often than I imagine.)

We humiliate another when we make her feel small in her own eyes. We humiliate her when we cause her to find her projects and feelings insignificant or foolish-in comparison, that is, to our own. We certainly have our reasons for humiliating others, just as we do for manipulating them. Humiliating others can be an enjoyable expression of one’s power, or an effective means of elevating oneself above the other.

We burden others when we force them to deal with us, to look after us, to clean up the mess we have left behind. Of the three forms of disrespect, burdening is perhaps the least studied, the least understood. Philosophers who prefer good consequences to respectful treatment are right to note that burdening usually creates bad consequences, but the bad consequences are incidental to the contempt it expresses.

Some simple examples of burdening: littering; walking slowly three abreast on a public sidewalk; talking while the movie’s playing; playing music loudly in your apartment. These are examples of someone depriving others of an enjoyment or getting in their way. They also illustrate the fact that one need not intend to treat others disrespectfully to burden them. Burdening, that is, can result simply from insensitivity, indifference, or inattention. This is a way in which burdening differs from both manipulating and humiliating.

But of course we live among others and so we are always getting in each other’s way. Getting in someone’s way, then, cannot, all by itself, be disrespectful. Moreover, it’s often because of your temperament or prejudices that you charge me with having got in your way. It’s just as easy in such cases for me to say that it’s you who is burdening me, you being so delicate and all, and to deny that I’m burdening you.

No, getting in another person’s way is not in itself disrespectful. What matters is whether the burden is imposed fairly. One treats another contemptuously when one burdens that other unfairly. Our task now is to think hard about in what fairness and lack of fairness could consist here.

ENGINEERING SELFHOOD IN THE 21st CENTURY - DR. NIKOLAS ROSE

October 26th, 2009

065

STORY, PHOTOS, and SLIDESHOW by GEOFF DAVIES

SLIDESHOW - Hear Dr. Nik Rose on new views of humanity

A half-packed hall heard Dr. Nik Rose reveal the Answer to Life, the Universe, and Everything. For free.

And just like in the Hitchhiker’s Guide, it’s 42.

But as Dr. Rose explains, it’s four AND two, four being the number of bases in DNA, and two referring to the 1s and 0s of binary code.

Not only do these numbers shape lifeforms, says Dr. Rose, but also our new understanding of how these numbers work has reshaped how we view lifeforms.

Ourselves included.

Dr. Rose presented this idea - borrowed from Yang Huanming at the Beijing Genomics Institute - and others in his lecture Engineering Selfhood in the 21st Century on Oct. 13, 2009 at the University of King’s College. It was the first in the Trust in the New Sciences: Remaking the Human lecture series, put on jointly by CCEPA and the Situating Science Cluster.

“We’re in the middle of a transformation and we don’t know how it will end,” says Dr. Rose, an expert in bioscience at the London School of Economics. “Some new image of the human is beginning to emerge.”

There was a time when a person’s ability to change their body only went skin-deep, says Dr. Rose. Back then we could tattoo each other, or change our appearances with plastic surgery.

Now, with advancements in genetic science, we understand how our bodies work at a molecular level, and we’re starting to figure out how to retool ourselves at that level, says Dr. Rose.

077

Dr. Rose argues that this new power is having a profound impact on both the bodies and souls of humanity. We can’t simply see ourselves as just a brain or just a body anymore, because we can now intervene and manipulate both. We can no longer cordon off the realm of selfhood as sacred and untouchable. Instead, we now see ourselves as a bundle of genetic factors, each helping to create the self. Whether it’s my blue eyes, my predisposition to the piano, or how I’m prone to Celiac disease, I can now pin responsibility on my genes. And I can change my genes.

In this way, Dr. Rose says, scientific understanding has led to humanity adopting a new responsibility and a new control over humans. A barrier has been broken, and now the question we face is where to build the next one.

As our ability to intervene on ourselves grows, so does the urgency of the ethical questions at hand. Genetic science has shattered many tenets of traditional humanism, causing lots of philosophical grief, says Dr. Rose. One of the many questions we must now ask is How far is too far?

But we mustn’t get ahead of ourselves just yet. Despite the fact that there are even little businesses popping up built around mapping one’s personal genetic code – Scan Me, Decode Me, and others – we’re closer to the beginning of this scientific revolution than the end, says Dr. Rose. Cloning Dolly didn’t give us divine power, and to think otherwise is scientific hubris, he says.

But the bottom line is we can now pop the hood of the human being. We’d better do some thinking before we throw a wrench in the works.

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Dr. Nik Rose’s lecture was the first in the five-part series Trust in the New Sciences: Remaking the Human. Between October and April, CCEPA and the Situating Science Cluster will be taking this show on the road, with lectures in Vancouver, Toronto, Montreal, Edmonton, and Halifax. Check out the next one in Vancouver on Jan. 26: Science Friction: Personalised Genomics and the Future of Medicine, with Drs. Michael Hayden and Anita Ho.

Morality and Starvation - Dr. Joe Mendola, Sept. 24, 2009

October 6th, 2009

Over a hundred people listened to Dr. Mendola explain why we owe reparations to the one billion people who live in poverty worlwide.

Over a hundred people listened to Dr. Mendola explain why we owe reparations to the one billion people who live in poverty worlwide.

Story, photos, and slideshow by GEOFF DAVIES

HEAR DR. MENDOLA EXPLAIN WHY WE OWE REPARATIONS TO THE WORLD’S POOR

Dr. Joe Mendola is a philosopher. But even philosophers have morning routines. Right?

Let’s say Dr. Joe shoots out of bed every morning as the cock crows. He puts on his nicest suit and tie, complete with designer elbow patches. He slides into his new shoes, which he treats like newborns even though their leather’s still so stiff they give him blisters. He drinks a coffee, eats a banana or two, and watches the talking heads on the morning news before heading off to work at the University of Nebraska-Lincoln, where he works in the Philosophy department

Let’s say Dr. Joe’s morning route runs alongside a little pond. On this particular morning there’s a kid in the middle of the pond, struggling to keep his head above water. Now, Dr. Joe is faced with a moral dilemma, something which he is bound to take seriously given he teaches ethical philosophy to graduate students. He could save the kid no problem, but his leather shoes would be ruined and there’d be muck all over his Armani gear.

To do nothing would be wrong, morally speaking. Right? There were slightly more than a hundred people in the room when Dr. Mendola presented this dilemma during his Morality and Starvation lecture on Thursday night. A show of hands showed almost all agreed with Dr. Mendola on that point.

But when Dr. Joe goes through his hypothetical morning routine, he doesn’t mail a cheque to UNICEF between donning his suit and drinking his coffee. Instead, he throws out the pamphlet that came in the morning mail. Is this morally wrong? Most are inclined to say No.

But here’s the catch. When Dr. Joe encounters the drowning kid, he lands in moral hot water if he just keeps going along the merry way. He does nothing, and someone else suffers as a result. Same thing goes for the UNICEF example. A child somewhere starves, or dies of starvation, because Dr. Joe didn’t send a donation to get them fed. Both cases have non-action as the cause of harm, Dr. Mendola explained, yet only one seems morally reprehensible. At least, upon first glance.

Borrowing from author Peter Singer, Dr. Mendola used these scenarios to show a broader dispute in moral philosophy. Some say the individual is only responsible for their actions. Others maintain we ought to be held accountable for all the consequences of our actions, both for what we do and what we don’t do, such as failing to give to a cause. The peculiar thing about the two scenarios Dr. Mendola laid out - the drowning kid and the UNICEF cheque - is forces both camps to agree, at least on one particular case.

Dr. Mendola counts himself as consequentialist, one of those thinkers who think that non-actions can also be morally reprehensible because it’s the consequences that count. But, he says, he’s a weird kind of consequentialist. That’s because he thinks “group acts” work in the same way.

A “group act,” he says, happens when a group of people are all engaged in a single action. It can be a couple trying to work out their differences, or a department of university profs lobbying their bosses for something or other. Those are all group acts, and Dr. Mendola, being a consequentialist, says that their moral goodness or badness depends above all else on their consequences. So even if your impact on the group has only the slightest effect - like that of your drive to the grocery store on the polar ice caps - the moral weight is just as heavy. And same goes for what you do as much as for what you neglect to do.

And here’s how we get to the main issue of the CCEPA-sponsored lecture. According to Dr. Mendola, about a billion people living in the world do so in extreme poverty. Thousands of them die daily from the effects of starvation. All it would take, he says, is 1.25 per cent of the well-off world’s income to fix this for good.

But this, of course, hasn’t happened. Sin number one.

In fact, the way we live our lives in the developed world perpetuates a system that - in many ways and for many reasons - oppresses, hurts, and kills the poverty-stricken. It’s a group act of sorts in which we and our elected officials participate. Sin number two.

So what’s to be done? According to Dr. Mendola’s philosophical take, we have morally erred. We do it everyday. And world-wide systemic wrongs are righted in the same way as mundane, daily ones.

In his view, we owe the planet’s poor reparations.

How to do it? What to do? Those are questions a little too large for the St. Mary’s University lecture hall and the hour-and-a-half we had that night. Having a single night to reflect on poverty on starvation, like having a single blog post to explain a branch of ethical philosophy, is grossly inadequate. In both cases, we’re back at the shallow pond. And we’re just skimming the surface.

Just in Time: The Burden of Climate Change on Women

June 23rd, 2009
More than 60 people came out to hear Joanna Kerr, Director of Policy and Outreach at Oxfam Canada, speak about the effects of climate change on women.

More than 60 people came to hear Joanna Kerr, Director of Policy and Outreach at Oxfam Canada, speak about the effects of climate change on women.

STORY AND PHOTO BY KATHLEEN CALLAHAN

To prove that climate change has a greater impact on women than men, Joanna Kerr opened her lecture with an eight-minute film about a woman named Martina.

Martina, who lives in Kotido, Uganda, no longer hears the chirp of the Elele bird signaling the coming rain, because the birds – and the rain – have disappeared. Droughts mean thirst and no water with which to cook, if they can even find food.

The trees in Martina’s village no longer bear fruit and the women have to walk further each day to find firewood and food. Thirty per cent of the developing world gets its energy from wood. It is often the woman’s job to collect it, but this job grows harder as resources dwindle.

Standing at the bottom of a dried river and digging deep through hard rock, Martina and the other women from her village are relieved to unearth murky brown water. But water doesn’t always mean salvation. In other years, the rain has come too hard, bringing floods and destroying crops.

“There aren’t enough words to express the pain to you,” Martina tells the camera.

Watch Martina’s Story

Kerr used Martina’s story to show how climate change, the food crisis and the global economic crisis are affecting women more severely than men in developing countries. That’s a lot of crises for a one-hour lecture, but Kerr is not new to discussing issues of women’s rights and gender equality.

After getting an MA in Gender and Development from the University of Sussex, she was a senior researcher and manager of the gender program at the North-South Institute in Ottawa, a research institute that analyses foreign policy and international development. She is also the former executive director of the Association for Women’s Rights in Development in Toronto. In addition, she has published extensively on issues surrounding economic justice and gender.

She is currently the Director of Policy and Outreach at Oxfam Canada. CCEPA partnered with Oxfam to host the event which about 60 people attended, entitled “Just in Time: The Burden of Climate Change on Women.”

But Kerr admits she is new to the study of climate change and the environment.

So what makes women more susceptible to the dangers of climate change than men? Kerr says women are the “unpaid caregivers,” meaning they treat patients – men and children – ahead of their own needs.

Natural disasters also tend to kill more women than men, especially in countries where women have the fewest rights, according to this 2006 report by the London School of Economics.

From the report:

“Yet, the most important reason why women are more vulnerable to the fatal impact of natural disasters is because of their lower social and economic status in many countries. With existing patterns of gender discrimination, boys are likely to receive preferential treatment in rescue efforts and both women and girls suffer more from the shortages of food and economic resources in the aftermath of disasters.”

In the 2004 tsunami that killed more than 225,000 people, a study by Oxfam showed that in some regions, four times as many women as men were killed. They attributed this to women waiting at home with their children or on the beaches for the fishermen to return. Kerr said many women also lacked access to transportation like bicycles to leave the most dangerous zones.

But Kerr is quick to point out that men are also affected. She says climate change will always impact the most vulnerable and poor, and as the global economy worsens, there is less funding to aid climate-related disasters.

Kerr cited many reasons why women are harder hit by the worldwide recession:

  • Women are particularly affected by job cuts, especially when spending cuts are made on health and education.
  • Job creation projects are often aimed at men, with an emphasis on the “male breadwinner.”
  • When men are out of work, women will pick up two or three jobs to support the family.
  • During times of economic hardship, there are often spikes of violence against women.

And don’t forget about the food crisis. The U.N. reported recently that one billion people worldwide – one-sixth of the world’s population – are going hungry, 100 million more people than there were at this time last year. Kerr says a lack of investment in food security in the last 20 years has contributed to the food crisis. The global economic crisis has only compounded the food crisis, with more people out of work and unable to afford rising food costs.

Hunger affects women most because they will eat less and give more nutritional food to men and children, says Kerr.

“Families survive because women eat less.”

Given these sobering statistics, it’s hard to know where to begin to conquer any or all of these crises. Kerr says the solution is “incredibly simple and complex.”

The simple part: enact any changes possible to make the world a more sustainable place. The complex part touches upon the root of these problems: Kerr says we must find the causes of the issues, and find sustainable models of development on which to rebuild.

The problem? Kerr says we have a short period of time for such a huge, systematic change. It would require an “unprecedented amount of consensus.

Educating women, giving them access to land and technology and supporting female leadership are essential to the new system, says Kerr.